For young Malaysians who have the slightest interest, all sorts of opinions are now available that present perspectives that are probably not in their secondary school history books. The following excerpts are from threads in my alumni eGroup and personal email correspondences on the subject. Notably, the opinions of two eminent Tigers, Datuk Seri Yuen Yuet Leng and Colonel (Rtd) Mike Naser are pertinent, not only because they were from the Malaysian Police and Army respectively but because they speak with experience and tempered realism.
It started with this post:
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of Cheahs
Sent: Thursday, June 11, 2009 12:25 PM
Subject: DS Yuen and Mike: I Remember...
Dear DS Yuen and Mike, would you care to comment on the subject?
http://nocturnal-mind.blogspot.com/2009/06/i-remember_11.html
KS
Dear DS Yuen and Mike, would you care to comment on the subject?
http://nocturnal-mind.blogspot.com/2009/06/i-remember_11.html
KS
***************************************************************
From: Mike Naser Taib
Sent: Thursday, June 11, 2009 5:51 PM
To: Cheah Keat Swee
Subject: The Chin Peng Melodrama
Dear Ah Swee,
Dear Ah Swee,
I was tempted to write a dissertation on the values of a soldier vis-a-vis Chin Peng, If the egroup members do not even bother or have the self-respect to answer invitations to their own birthdays, it will be, as usual, a worthless effort on a one way street without joy!! Anyway, a quick summary for you.When I was a soldier I never fought for the King & Country. I never even thought about it. I fought for my Regiment and my officers and men. If you ask an Iban paratrooper if he is fighting for the Agong, Najib and Malaysia, he will laugh at you and think that you are mad. He fights for his Regiment and his mates. We never thought about death, we prayed for the next fight.
You must think that I am odd. I did too until I was posted to the Armed forces Staff College as a lecturer, and while browsing in the library I came across a book by Broom & Selznick, "Sociology: A text with adapted Readings." I cannot remember the printer or the year. I am not quite sure, as it was a long time ago when I was young, but I think it was on pages 84 or 134, there is a chapter on the Allied interrogation of German POWs after WW2. The American interrogators, who were sociologists, discovered that the POWs from famous regiments including the Waffen SS fought with great tenacity when defeat was obvious not for Hitler, the motherland or the Ruhr but for their regiments and divisions. It is the same in the Brit Army and I was fortunate to have served in the 1st Royal Dragoons in Detmold,Germany, which amalgamated into the Royals& Blues where the future King of England is serving. My brother served in the Grenadier Guards in Berlin.
The Sikh, the Rajputs, the Gurkhas of the Indian Army do not fight for the Indian President and India, they fight for their famous selves and regiments.
It is indeed nice sounding for a general to say that he is fighting for King & Country in a cocktail party, its a step nearer to a Tan Sri-ship!!Chin Peng was a good soldier. It took the might of the troops of the Commonwealth to drive him over the border into South Thailand. His defeat, in actuality, was self-inflicted. His 8th and 10th Regiments above the Betong Salient slaughtered each other over schisms in Communist dogma either Marxism or Leninism. The 12th Regiment beyond Batu Melintang across the border, under Rashid Mydin was ostensibly the Malay unit. Most of the recruits were Thai Malays looking for work and had no definitive belief-system. It was a useless unit almost without any combat-efficiency. Chin Peng knew it was a non-winnable situation. He gave up. So we got really busy telling the world how we won the war!!
My attitude towards Chin Peng is based on the ethos that was drummed into me as an officer cadet in the military college/academy. In victory, treat your prisoners with magnanimity. Do not do to your prisoner what you do not wish for yourself.
The fierce Ibans have never treated captured enemy personnel cruelly. The Ibans will laugh and say, "You fark-up this time!!" In WW2, the Brits brought Germans POWs back to UK and they were allowed to live with the locals and work.
If I were the PM, I'll get Chin Peng an NRIC and a passport as he is a Brit citizen, and welcome him back to Sitiawan and see to it that he is okay.
We are faced my bro, and we are afraid to say it, with outright racism and mind-boggling double standards.
If the Garmen does not like you, it will label you - in the early days you would be a communist and today, you are a sodomite!!
It is almost impossible to find an officer and gentleman in BN, warlords, cronies and running dogs.
***************************************************************
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of Kooi Chuar Heah
Sent: Saturday, June 13, 2009 10:01 PM
Subject: Re: FW: The Chin Peng Melodrama
Bro. Mike,
Yo, and well said man!
Bro. Mike,
Yo, and well said man!
***************************************************************
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of muzaffar mohamed
Sent: Monday, June 15, 2009 6:41 PM
Subject: Re: The Chin Peng Melodrama
Dear KS,
But then, the Communists had inflicted death and injuries across all Malayans/Malaysians, whether Chinese, Indians, Malays, Europeans etc.
The sentiment against Chin Peng, could not be just come from the Malays only. What about the others?
Dear KS,
But then, the Communists had inflicted death and injuries across all Malayans/Malaysians, whether Chinese, Indians, Malays, Europeans etc.
The sentiment against Chin Peng, could not be just come from the Malays only. What about the others?
I remember I read an article (about the Emergency) written by a Chinese boy from a school in Ipoh. How bitter he felt about the loss of his father, a school teacher murdered by the CT, while Chin Peng's son was walking freely in the same school as he was.
What would this same man think of Chin Peng now?
Muz.
What would this same man think of Chin Peng now?
Muz.
***************************************************************
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of Cheahs
Sent: Monday, June 15, 2009 8:04 PM
Subject: RE: The Chin Peng Melodrama
Hi Muz,
My point is precisely that! All races were affected so why are only mainly the Malays making noise and beating the drums about Chin Peng’s return. Is it that their sentiments are so easily stirred? Who is stirring and under what guise? Why cannot be more magnanimous? I think if you ask most Chinese about CP you will find they can’t be bothered. It has nothing to do with race but it is being played us as a race thingy…and that communist in Malaysia are only Chinese. If you just look at who will benefit most from this shit stirring, you will find out who is stirring the shit.
KS
Hi Muz,
My point is precisely that! All races were affected so why are only mainly the Malays making noise and beating the drums about Chin Peng’s return. Is it that their sentiments are so easily stirred? Who is stirring and under what guise? Why cannot be more magnanimous? I think if you ask most Chinese about CP you will find they can’t be bothered. It has nothing to do with race but it is being played us as a race thingy…and that communist in Malaysia are only Chinese. If you just look at who will benefit most from this shit stirring, you will find out who is stirring the shit.
KS
***************************************************************
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of Cheahs
Sent: Monday, June 15, 2009 9:59 PM
Subject: RE: The Chin Peng Melodrama
Muz,
I think this article by RPK is the perfect answer to your question.
KS
I’M DISAPPOINTED IN YOU, ANWAR
Muz,
I think this article by RPK is the perfect answer to your question.
KS
I’M DISAPPOINTED IN YOU, ANWAR
***************************************************************
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of Nicholas Ong
Sent: Tuesday, June 16, 2009 12:05 AM
Subject: Re: The Chin Peng Melodrama
ah... the mad story teller has spoken again...
ah... the mad story teller has spoken again...
***************************************************************
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of datuk yuen
Sent: Tuesday, June 16, 2009 5:00 PM
Subject: Re: The Chin Peng Melodrama
Dear All,
I spoke yesterday morning live through Astro Awani (Channel 501) within the minutes given over the phone from Teluk Intan. In summary they are similar to what is elaborated in my book, "Nation Before Self" (MPH). My perspectives are personal, as they also derive from my professional and apolitical national security SB past. They are in terms of the nation's past, present and future. This may not necessarily be completely inimical with current subjective partisan politics which afflict our nation and confuses all spectrum of our varied society.
The return of Chin Peng is controversial at best. I shall just mention the crucial realities.
Dear All,
I spoke yesterday morning live through Astro Awani (Channel 501) within the minutes given over the phone from Teluk Intan. In summary they are similar to what is elaborated in my book, "Nation Before Self" (MPH). My perspectives are personal, as they also derive from my professional and apolitical national security SB past. They are in terms of the nation's past, present and future. This may not necessarily be completely inimical with current subjective partisan politics which afflict our nation and confuses all spectrum of our varied society.
The return of Chin Peng is controversial at best. I shall just mention the crucial realities.
Admittedly there seems to be an apparent degree of moral insincerity in application of the spirit of the Peace Accord. But incumbent government is not illegal. The CPM’s unchanging stand is one reason. However, it is a fact that more than a hundred ex-members of the CPM’s Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA or MPLA) had been allowed to return to the country even though a number of them, I believe, are still party members of the Communist Party of Malaya. They include a Chinese majority and a few Malays.
Although MPLA, the armed wing of the party was disbanded for “PEACE” to be achieved, the CPM as a party was not dissolved. Claimed dormant it continues at least to co-ordinate their disbanded army personnel and of course, card carrying members of the Party itself, old and new in Thailand or in Communist China. Chin Peng is still Secretary-general of a party that by constitution of manifesto still advocates a republic which conflicts legally with our constitution which provides for a constitutional monarchy. How do we reconcile this with just an old man wanting to return to his country of birth to live out his final days? An irrevocable declaration of no more armed struggle like the IRA could be comforting.
The local CPM was tailored on Mao Tse Tung’s China Communist Party working on a continued China republic and in the process espousing armed struggle or constitutional struggle or both is isolation or both in complement depending on the situation at the time and what was expedient at any time – the ends justifies the means, whether legal or illegal, criminal or otherwise. It is quite different from countries with legal communist parties like Great Britain, Australia or Canada or republics like France and the United States whose communist parties do not espouse armed struggle or violence.
However, the real and future threat by a nationally malignant CPM will not be posed by its existent dominant Chinese elements. It will and has to be, if the party is to make headway in nation, to be from a necessary increased Malay leadership presence and Malay membership. That is why a CPM blog had recently arisen on the Internet and the initiative has been taken not by the once Chinese 12 Regt at the Thai border but now by the former Malay 10th Regiment to initially reclaim some credibility for their cause as a prelude to a political future. There had been wishful more Malay membership in the past although most were nationalist republicans. If they did not succeed it was more because of good British SB policing and containment. These were Malays of courage and determination, born leaders and not what some would like to think, were being used by communists. One diehard Malay communist Jernain who at one stage wanted to set up an independent “Malay” CPM because of the heavy Chinese presence during the Liberation, moved to Indonesia to join the Communist Party of Indonesia.
We should not have any morbid fear of a Chinese or Malay communist revival. The strength of the communists is not in itself. It is in the strength of the misery of the rakyat and the common people. For so long as our basic national policies are people-orientated and non-communal we are strong enough to socially counter any communist overtures. We certainly have to eliminate wide-spread corruption, political decadence and ensure that the “capitalist” types do not monopolise and control politics. At the same time we do not want to encourage the complete “proletariat” type without guided economic corporate development. Otherwise, we will fail like all totalitarian communist regimes. Communist China is wise enough to think outside the old communist box. The CPM has not awoken openly to this. UMNO in particular, should take note of this if it sincerely wish to reform for all.
We must remind ourselves that the quality and psychology of life does not depend entirely on the environment or on the material standard of comfort. Poverty is also not merely a physiological situation but critically, is an emotional state of mind which is intensified by material destitution or extreme material, social or political deprivation or apparent suppression; differences or differential gaps. When these exist in the same country side by side, within close proximity or consciousness, the problems are further accentuated.
When certain groups enjoy all or so much of the benefits of development while the so many others or a critical major community get comparatively the little which appears to be the crumbs, the quality of life of broader nation is reduced not so much by the apparent excess of riches in the luxury hotels and grand mansions or by the abject poverty in the backstreets, slums and remote rural areas, as by the psychology of emotions and feelings of inequality and injustice, incomprehension, contempt and fear on the one side and the impotence, envy and indignation on the other.
Coupled with all these are often the subjectivities of political manipulations and the indoctrination of ill-considered and socially non-perspective police or other law enforcement rigidity bordering on ignorance or even stupidity which serves to perpetuate social or moral injustice in the name of legal justice- a most paradoxical situation.
I personally feel strongly as I read ongoing developments that the PM is sincere in his quest for One Malaysia. I believe that the Opposition believes that too. For the nation to succeed in this direction both divides should declare their support for this vision and each in their own way actualize this in substance. Why do any divide have to be completely different in everything? Work on common positive similarities even if any have to continue to disagree on other dis-similiarities. Much as so many may have forgotten, the BN had done much in national development and economy and in spite of corruption and political decadence the nation had moved forward. The continuing and more serious threat is more to BN itself rather than nation itself for if BN does not reform sufficiently the new generation of Malaysian of all communities will take their electoral choice to the Opposition. This will include even the electorate who are basically pro-BN but will not return unless reformation is distinctively impressive. Even if the Opposition continues to wait on the wings, there is no guarantee that they will not get into the same mess with political and economic opportunity.
One last thing about Chin Peng and the CPM. As a police officer I had been shot by communist terrorists in combat. My whole life in service, I have been shot and wounded and a continuous target for assassination. I can appreciate the feelings of those who had suffered grievous hurt at the hands communist terrorists and how hard it is to forgive and forget. Some of our families will never do. There are also those on the CPM’s side who may feel the same thinking they were also in their own right. As pointed out recently in a newspaper article, they were in pragmatic truth on the wrong side of history and their type of communism was definitely not suitable for the MALAYAN AND MALAYSIAN ENVIRONMENT which was exclusively for the China environment. In the process too they defaulted in specific areas – they continue to fight an independent government . The strength of pride was their weakness rather than focused recognition that their armeds struggle was already lost except to their hardcore and unyielding leaders. Chin Peng I do not feel was one of those as he was not hardcore enough. It would be ideal that sometime in the future we will all learn to reconcile and unite better according to the tenets and spirit of the constitution rather than to continue without end negative but understandable emotions into the future still on opposing divides.
I would also like to say, though few know this, that from the early years of the 1st Emergency I had worked with former very senior leaders of the CPM. They were alongside us fighting the CPM and helping us to develop our strategies and tactics to counter communist terrorism in the short and long term. In later years more were convinced tnrough Special Branch projects to get on board guided by our national constitution which basically is fair to all communities when interpreted and implemented in proper spirit and sincerity. A number were assassinated with their background mostly unknown to the public. Some had retired and migrated overseas for continued safety and security. We are all not perfect creatures but we should know where our national direction, responsibilities and patriotism should be - evolving around the constitution and not racism or chauvinism.
Yuen Yuet Leng.
Although MPLA, the armed wing of the party was disbanded for “PEACE” to be achieved, the CPM as a party was not dissolved. Claimed dormant it continues at least to co-ordinate their disbanded army personnel and of course, card carrying members of the Party itself, old and new in Thailand or in Communist China. Chin Peng is still Secretary-general of a party that by constitution of manifesto still advocates a republic which conflicts legally with our constitution which provides for a constitutional monarchy. How do we reconcile this with just an old man wanting to return to his country of birth to live out his final days? An irrevocable declaration of no more armed struggle like the IRA could be comforting.
The local CPM was tailored on Mao Tse Tung’s China Communist Party working on a continued China republic and in the process espousing armed struggle or constitutional struggle or both is isolation or both in complement depending on the situation at the time and what was expedient at any time – the ends justifies the means, whether legal or illegal, criminal or otherwise. It is quite different from countries with legal communist parties like Great Britain, Australia or Canada or republics like France and the United States whose communist parties do not espouse armed struggle or violence.
However, the real and future threat by a nationally malignant CPM will not be posed by its existent dominant Chinese elements. It will and has to be, if the party is to make headway in nation, to be from a necessary increased Malay leadership presence and Malay membership. That is why a CPM blog had recently arisen on the Internet and the initiative has been taken not by the once Chinese 12 Regt at the Thai border but now by the former Malay 10th Regiment to initially reclaim some credibility for their cause as a prelude to a political future. There had been wishful more Malay membership in the past although most were nationalist republicans. If they did not succeed it was more because of good British SB policing and containment. These were Malays of courage and determination, born leaders and not what some would like to think, were being used by communists. One diehard Malay communist Jernain who at one stage wanted to set up an independent “Malay” CPM because of the heavy Chinese presence during the Liberation, moved to Indonesia to join the Communist Party of Indonesia.
We should not have any morbid fear of a Chinese or Malay communist revival. The strength of the communists is not in itself. It is in the strength of the misery of the rakyat and the common people. For so long as our basic national policies are people-orientated and non-communal we are strong enough to socially counter any communist overtures. We certainly have to eliminate wide-spread corruption, political decadence and ensure that the “capitalist” types do not monopolise and control politics. At the same time we do not want to encourage the complete “proletariat” type without guided economic corporate development. Otherwise, we will fail like all totalitarian communist regimes. Communist China is wise enough to think outside the old communist box. The CPM has not awoken openly to this. UMNO in particular, should take note of this if it sincerely wish to reform for all.
We must remind ourselves that the quality and psychology of life does not depend entirely on the environment or on the material standard of comfort. Poverty is also not merely a physiological situation but critically, is an emotional state of mind which is intensified by material destitution or extreme material, social or political deprivation or apparent suppression; differences or differential gaps. When these exist in the same country side by side, within close proximity or consciousness, the problems are further accentuated.
When certain groups enjoy all or so much of the benefits of development while the so many others or a critical major community get comparatively the little which appears to be the crumbs, the quality of life of broader nation is reduced not so much by the apparent excess of riches in the luxury hotels and grand mansions or by the abject poverty in the backstreets, slums and remote rural areas, as by the psychology of emotions and feelings of inequality and injustice, incomprehension, contempt and fear on the one side and the impotence, envy and indignation on the other.
Coupled with all these are often the subjectivities of political manipulations and the indoctrination of ill-considered and socially non-perspective police or other law enforcement rigidity bordering on ignorance or even stupidity which serves to perpetuate social or moral injustice in the name of legal justice- a most paradoxical situation.
I personally feel strongly as I read ongoing developments that the PM is sincere in his quest for One Malaysia. I believe that the Opposition believes that too. For the nation to succeed in this direction both divides should declare their support for this vision and each in their own way actualize this in substance. Why do any divide have to be completely different in everything? Work on common positive similarities even if any have to continue to disagree on other dis-similiarities. Much as so many may have forgotten, the BN had done much in national development and economy and in spite of corruption and political decadence the nation had moved forward. The continuing and more serious threat is more to BN itself rather than nation itself for if BN does not reform sufficiently the new generation of Malaysian of all communities will take their electoral choice to the Opposition. This will include even the electorate who are basically pro-BN but will not return unless reformation is distinctively impressive. Even if the Opposition continues to wait on the wings, there is no guarantee that they will not get into the same mess with political and economic opportunity.
One last thing about Chin Peng and the CPM. As a police officer I had been shot by communist terrorists in combat. My whole life in service, I have been shot and wounded and a continuous target for assassination. I can appreciate the feelings of those who had suffered grievous hurt at the hands communist terrorists and how hard it is to forgive and forget. Some of our families will never do. There are also those on the CPM’s side who may feel the same thinking they were also in their own right. As pointed out recently in a newspaper article, they were in pragmatic truth on the wrong side of history and their type of communism was definitely not suitable for the MALAYAN AND MALAYSIAN ENVIRONMENT which was exclusively for the China environment. In the process too they defaulted in specific areas – they continue to fight an independent government . The strength of pride was their weakness rather than focused recognition that their armeds struggle was already lost except to their hardcore and unyielding leaders. Chin Peng I do not feel was one of those as he was not hardcore enough. It would be ideal that sometime in the future we will all learn to reconcile and unite better according to the tenets and spirit of the constitution rather than to continue without end negative but understandable emotions into the future still on opposing divides.
I would also like to say, though few know this, that from the early years of the 1st Emergency I had worked with former very senior leaders of the CPM. They were alongside us fighting the CPM and helping us to develop our strategies and tactics to counter communist terrorism in the short and long term. In later years more were convinced tnrough Special Branch projects to get on board guided by our national constitution which basically is fair to all communities when interpreted and implemented in proper spirit and sincerity. A number were assassinated with their background mostly unknown to the public. Some had retired and migrated overseas for continued safety and security. We are all not perfect creatures but we should know where our national direction, responsibilities and patriotism should be - evolving around the constitution and not racism or chauvinism.
Yuen Yuet Leng.
***************************************************************
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of muzaffar mohamed
Sent: Wednesday, June 17, 2009 5:29 PM
Subject: Re: The Chin Peng Melodrama
Dear Dato Yuen,
Good to read this input from yourself.
From the book about the late Tan Sri CC Too, he did not advocate the Peace Accord with the MCP (Malayan Communist Party) unless only Chin Peng denounce communism and declared the Party desolved. In his opinion, while the MCP still exist, their members will find other means to penetrate or influence the newer generations of all societies to support them - via NGO, citizens movements or even legitimate political parties.
Some quarters have the opinion that he was an eccentric old man but I believe he was right.
Muz.
Dear Dato Yuen,
Good to read this input from yourself.
From the book about the late Tan Sri CC Too, he did not advocate the Peace Accord with the MCP (Malayan Communist Party) unless only Chin Peng denounce communism and declared the Party desolved. In his opinion, while the MCP still exist, their members will find other means to penetrate or influence the newer generations of all societies to support them - via NGO, citizens movements or even legitimate political parties.
Some quarters have the opinion that he was an eccentric old man but I believe he was right.
Muz.
***************************************************************
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of datuk yuen
Sent: Wednesday, June 17, 2009 6:13 PM
Subject: Re: The Chin Peng Melodrama
Dear M,
Dear M,
Tan Sri CC Too was a direct, honest and very imtuitive analyst of the CPM and could anticipate their tactical and strategic moves. He did not believe in deceptive open arms sincerity and smiles with hidden booby traps when he it comes to implementation. I agreed with him even though I attended the Peace Accord as an invited observer. I had already retired for more than 5 years. Tan Sri Rahim Noor comments differently now. I anticipated the present would happen. The mousedeer shortchanged the grizzly bear! But everything was cleverly and legally documented.
CP was honestly naive but I think Peking had ordained "peace" I am basically a soldier and would have negotiated as an intrinsic honourable one. CP knew he could not go on fighting forever.
DSY
***************************************************************
From: Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Edwardian_Tigers@yahoogroups.com]
On Behalf Of datuk yuen
Sent: Thursday, June 18, 2009 7:36 AM
Subject: Re: The Chin Peng Melodrama
Dear Muz,
Dear Muz,
You now know why I stated "deceptively sincere" but we were "legally right" as they had to follow procedural documentations like any other citizen. In Sarawak during Op Sri Aman, we facilitated and assisted positively returning ex-NKCP members. It is sad in such matters with international relevance, we could have been more magnanimous. Internally in nation, we have to be careful we do not with similar mind, perpetuate social and moral injustice in the name of legal justice. Otherwise, the political and by implication, our national character will be perceived that we talk with fork tongue. It will dangerously confirm that in spite of our nice feathers, we are still led by primitive kampong and new village types. How can One Malaysia that so many of us want succeed unless more of us find the national, political and individual will to do it and this, more than anywhere else or anything else, must come from UMNO and BN. I trust our present PM can do it.
DSY
***************************************************************
From: datuk yuen
Sent: Friday, June 19, 2009 9:08 AM
To: Cheah Keat Swee
Subject: Chin Peng Melodrama
Dear KS,
Dear KS,
I just came across what I wrote to the Press in 2005 on Chin Peng which was published subjectively in part as usual which is understandable. I was somewhat surprised that I gave so much thought on the matter at the time. The last part is interesting:
"There are undoubtedly also developing sentiments of race and class. The younger generations of non‑Malays feel they are discriminated against and strongly that the policy of racial preference should be revised or even cease. Young Malays and non‑Malays are disenchanted by what they perceive as corporate dominance, the weight of its social and economic presumptuousness and the decadence of political and social corruption which pervades both government and society ‑a convenient scenario for class struggle. Policy of government cannot just continue to talk or look fair. It must be fair and seen to be fair in substance of implementation. The success of communism is not on the strength and numbers of its party. It is the total strength of the weakness, the malpractice, the racism and chauvinism and in the end the hopelessness of the impotence that will self‑destruct a government that was once the multiracial hope of nation."
You will appreciate now why the BN is so worried about Chin Peng for they had created the environment which Malay communists will endeavour to exploit with outwardly superficial moral Chinese communist support. BN and importantly UMNO really have to change because their elite (class) politics and racial and religious polarization made worse by corruption are the reasons and cause which will enable a communist return and the CPM's wisdom will tell them that in the future "armed struggle" is out of date and it has to be a constitutional and legal struggle again. However, if BN government in frantic desperation and fear, react too heavily and drastically and see a communist and united front behind every tree, this could contribute to a possible complementary armed struggle. The answer and pre-emption is with BN that is if and they want or can reform. Can the wise overpower the extreme and the greedy who see nothing but race? That is why I say give Najib a chance. Support him when he walks with substance in the right direction. Of course, there are those within his party will do their best to unite their community in the name of race and not nation. However, when the additional threat to them comes from a Malay led communist party the cry can no longer be continued fear of the Chinese. As I said it is still not too late if BN wakes up if it wants to or can do so.
DSyuen
"There are undoubtedly also developing sentiments of race and class. The younger generations of non‑Malays feel they are discriminated against and strongly that the policy of racial preference should be revised or even cease. Young Malays and non‑Malays are disenchanted by what they perceive as corporate dominance, the weight of its social and economic presumptuousness and the decadence of political and social corruption which pervades both government and society ‑a convenient scenario for class struggle. Policy of government cannot just continue to talk or look fair. It must be fair and seen to be fair in substance of implementation. The success of communism is not on the strength and numbers of its party. It is the total strength of the weakness, the malpractice, the racism and chauvinism and in the end the hopelessness of the impotence that will self‑destruct a government that was once the multiracial hope of nation."
You will appreciate now why the BN is so worried about Chin Peng for they had created the environment which Malay communists will endeavour to exploit with outwardly superficial moral Chinese communist support. BN and importantly UMNO really have to change because their elite (class) politics and racial and religious polarization made worse by corruption are the reasons and cause which will enable a communist return and the CPM's wisdom will tell them that in the future "armed struggle" is out of date and it has to be a constitutional and legal struggle again. However, if BN government in frantic desperation and fear, react too heavily and drastically and see a communist and united front behind every tree, this could contribute to a possible complementary armed struggle. The answer and pre-emption is with BN that is if and they want or can reform. Can the wise overpower the extreme and the greedy who see nothing but race? That is why I say give Najib a chance. Support him when he walks with substance in the right direction. Of course, there are those within his party will do their best to unite their community in the name of race and not nation. However, when the additional threat to them comes from a Malay led communist party the cry can no longer be continued fear of the Chinese. As I said it is still not too late if BN wakes up if it wants to or can do so.
DSyuen
DS Yuen's letter to the Press dated 20th June 2005 as attatched:
CHIN PENG & THE DILEMMA
The evolved legal controversy around Chin Peng's case on what is specific performance in the Peace Accord agreements we do not wish to be entangled. That we leave to the courts in due course.
However, we have to be fair to Chin Peng the man who had with idealism and motivations of youth just as we must recognize that many of our non‑communist youths nurturing similar idealism and motivations also pursued the same objectives but in different manner and method.
The difference was non‑violence with peaceful political engagement as opposed to organized violence, assassination and destruction which had caused much too much death, blood, pain and agony, and memories of which are unforgettable in many on both sides.
Chin Peng has written his "My Side of History" and his side of story has stimulated some measure of romantiscm in the minds of our idealistic youth who hopefully will continue to nurture their idealism and work for people and society in their later years without demagogue violence and yet not allow political opportunity to deviate them into subjective corruption, malpractice and mis‑governance under a non‑transparent shroud. We need to represent our side of the story too on his side of history.
The myth surrounding Chin Peng and its poetic romanticism has impacted on some of our inadequately informed intellectuals and youths. One even wishes to make a film to glorify the man who allegedly “led the CPM for 50 years surviving heroically against unceasing attacks from our incumbent security forces in the country for a free Malaya” This, however, needs to be put into better perspective.
Chin Peng actually spent only the first 5 of the 12 long Ist Emergency years (1948‑1960) on Malayan soil. In 1953 he and his Central Politburo had relocated themselves to relative safety in South Thailand. His residential guerilla units fought on for another 7 years during which period they were progressively demoralized and decimated by Security Force and Special Branch operations. Their remnant few hundred survivors from an original 6000 force withdrew across the border by 1960 when the Emergency in Malaya was officially declared over.
The following year(1961) Chin Peng handed over operational control of the "Front" to a resident Central Committee group at the Thai border and left for Communist China where he was to stay almost 30 years.
Meanwhile at the Thai border “front” their de‑facto Central Committee implemented a demobilization of the old and feeble, waverers and those who wished to return to China. Party re-indoctrination schools were organized for those who remained as the CPM launched the phase of open and legal struggle in Peninsular Malaysia. A campaign of recruitment was launched to introduce fresh blood into the organization.
Soon after the CPM Central Committee at the Thai border committed its greatest blunder to arbitrarily execute 200 of its new recruits on bloated fears of SB penetration. Dissenting veteran party members and at least one CCM were also executed. Chin Peng endorsed the decision. The campaign led to fragmentation of the CPM along the length of the border and resulted in the establishment of two separate factions of the party.
The new form of struggle in the country was underscored by subversion and political agitation through united front activities which was transformed in earnest into another armed struggle following the 1969 May 13 incident. The 2nd Emergency as it was called by government was to continue another 20 years but was countered by a still very effective and dedicated Special Branch again.
The SB in spite of the assassination of a number of its officers, more than any other service, played a very distinctive and courageous role in effective containment and systematic neutralization of the threat posed by the CPM through a mixture of urban, rural and jungle terrorism.
In 1987, the two new factions of the CPM, CPMRF and CPMMLF laid down their arms to the Thai government, In 1988 a peace plan was brokered to Chin Peng’s CPM by the Thais and negotiations in early 1989 led to a tripartite agreement between the Thai/Malaysian/CPM to cease hostilities. Chin Peng returned from China in December,1989 for the official signing of the Peace Accord. It may be said again that Chin Peng as Secretary General of the CPM, spent only 5 of his 50 years on Malayan/Malaysian soil which somewhat deflates the myth around the man.
Whatever CHIN PENG have said during the 1989 Peace Accord, since then and in recent times, there is one indisputable truth in all his utterances. He has not really spoken lies but neither has he always told the whole truth. He had given a number of half truths. He knew for certain that Lee Meng, the grenade girl was head of his open communication network as when saved from the gallows she was repatriated back to China where she married CCM Chin Tien. One important half truth is that he was fighting the British for liberation of the Malayan races. He did not tell the other half of the truth that he fought under guise of national liberation in order to subsequently set up a Communist Republic of Malaya. This the CPM had been planning from the 1930s, was still planning throughout and after the Japanese Occupation and this remained their objective during the entire 1st and 2nd Emergency. Their wartime alliance with the British was just a temporary marriage of mutual convenience but well understood by both sides. His self revelations especially in hindsight indicate mixed, confusing and contradictory feelings and views at different times. He also could not but admit vital strategic errors in judgement and policy.
Undoubtedly Chin Peng had sincere motivations of youthful idealism and service to society. This he found not that easy to follow and even harder to prosecute in the arbitrary harshness and demagogue communist doctrinaire and discipline of the party.. Given any choice he would prefer to succeed within the rule of law. He did not and could not as he was secretary general of the party had been caught too long and too deep in Maoism and its belief that armed struggle is the highest form of political struggle and had to continue at any cost and by any means. If he is indeed a man of nation and still the man of his youth, he has to succeed or fail again within the rule of law and still remain Chin Peng the youth and the re‑discovered man.
Many including some in the media do not realize that it was only the armed wing of the CPM, the so‑called Malayan Peoples Army (MPA) operating under their party direction and comprising party and nonparty members, that and only the MPA that was disbanded, NOT the CPM where all its demagogue doctrinaire remains still embedded.
A paradox now exists by virtue of the Peace Accord which tactically succeeded in achieving the main objective of restoring peace in the interest of both parties but importantly, the central interest of the masses who had endured so much pain, hurt and even death for so many decades.
Ex‑members of the MPA and CPM party members can within the provisions of appertaining laws and covenants, qualify and obtain residence again in Malaysia and eventually activate like all other citizens in any activity provided they remain within the rule of law and the Constitution. Hopefully they will now attest to this not only in words but by demonstrated more substantive content.
Chin Peng the man and the SG holds the key to the answer of what is essentially a common dilemma. In the meantime there is much he has to clarify to the people not by hiding in shadows of gray areas which were not sufficiently addressed at the time of the 1989 Peace Accord if only for "peace" to succeed further. There are still distinctive and controversial areas which should now be addressed .
Certain statements made by him in his book published in 2003 many years after the Accord reflecting on the 1955 Baling Talks read:
" if we (in 1955) could achieve a reasonable peace settlement with the incoming party (Alliance) following the elections, perhaps we would face five or ten years in the political wilderness. That would be acceptable.. During this time we would lie low and regroup. After that we would re‑emerge and fight again ‑ this time not with arms but within the constitutional framework ‑ for the creation of a (communist) socialist state. Had the scenario worked, I would never have contemplated returning to armed struggle."
His Dy Secretary General CCM Yeong Kwo in a personal and secret document recovered by security forces in 1956 stated,
" We are no believers in legality and are certainly not content with an open and legal struggle. Our aim is to cover up and support an illegal struggle by means of open and legal activities."
Can it be understood now that for our future generations why we need double‑assurance that the CPM will never ever take up armed struggle again? Maybe then a day may come when a more generous Malaysia in consonance with our multiracial communities and multiferous religions, cultures and creeds may perhaps not oppose the legalizing of an acceptable and re‑structured communist party without violence and no longer works on a premise that the end justifies the means ‑ any means with all the primitiveness of the jungle and like an animal of the jungle.
The evolved legal controversy around Chin Peng's case on what is specific performance in the Peace Accord agreements we do not wish to be entangled. That we leave to the courts in due course.However, we have to be fair to Chin Peng the man who had with idealism and motivations of youth just as we must recognize that many of our non‑communist youths nurturing similar idealism and motivations also pursued the same objectives but in different manner and method.
The difference was non‑violence with peaceful political engagement as opposed to organized violence, assassination and destruction which had caused much too much death, blood, pain and agony, and memories of which are unforgettable in many on both sides.
Chin Peng has written his "My Side of History" and his side of story has stimulated some measure of romantiscm in the minds of our idealistic youth who hopefully will continue to nurture their idealism and work for people and society in their later years without demagogue violence and yet not allow political opportunity to deviate them into subjective corruption, malpractice and mis‑governance under a non‑transparent shroud. We need to represent our side of the story too on his side of history.
The myth surrounding Chin Peng and its poetic romanticism has impacted on some of our inadequately informed intellectuals and youths. One even wishes to make a film to glorify the man who allegedly “led the CPM for 50 years surviving heroically against unceasing attacks from our incumbent security forces in the country for a free Malaya” This, however, needs to be put into better perspective.
Chin Peng actually spent only the first 5 of the 12 long Ist Emergency years (1948‑1960) on Malayan soil. In 1953 he and his Central Politburo had relocated themselves to relative safety in South Thailand. His residential guerilla units fought on for another 7 years during which period they were progressively demoralized and decimated by Security Force and Special Branch operations. Their remnant few hundred survivors from an original 6000 force withdrew across the border by 1960 when the Emergency in Malaya was officially declared over.
The following year(1961) Chin Peng handed over operational control of the "Front" to a resident Central Committee group at the Thai border and left for Communist China where he was to stay almost 30 years.
Meanwhile at the Thai border “front” their de‑facto Central Committee implemented a demobilization of the old and feeble, waverers and those who wished to return to China. Party re-indoctrination schools were organized for those who remained as the CPM launched the phase of open and legal struggle in Peninsular Malaysia. A campaign of recruitment was launched to introduce fresh blood into the organization.
Soon after the CPM Central Committee at the Thai border committed its greatest blunder to arbitrarily execute 200 of its new recruits on bloated fears of SB penetration. Dissenting veteran party members and at least one CCM were also executed. Chin Peng endorsed the decision. The campaign led to fragmentation of the CPM along the length of the border and resulted in the establishment of two separate factions of the party.
The new form of struggle in the country was underscored by subversion and political agitation through united front activities which was transformed in earnest into another armed struggle following the 1969 May 13 incident. The 2nd Emergency as it was called by government was to continue another 20 years but was countered by a still very effective and dedicated Special Branch again.
The SB in spite of the assassination of a number of its officers, more than any other service, played a very distinctive and courageous role in effective containment and systematic neutralization of the threat posed by the CPM through a mixture of urban, rural and jungle terrorism.
In 1987, the two new factions of the CPM, CPMRF and CPMMLF laid down their arms to the Thai government, In 1988 a peace plan was brokered to Chin Peng’s CPM by the Thais and negotiations in early 1989 led to a tripartite agreement between the Thai/Malaysian/CPM to cease hostilities. Chin Peng returned from China in December,1989 for the official signing of the Peace Accord. It may be said again that Chin Peng as Secretary General of the CPM, spent only 5 of his 50 years on Malayan/Malaysian soil which somewhat deflates the myth around the man.
Whatever CHIN PENG have said during the 1989 Peace Accord, since then and in recent times, there is one indisputable truth in all his utterances. He has not really spoken lies but neither has he always told the whole truth. He had given a number of half truths. He knew for certain that Lee Meng, the grenade girl was head of his open communication network as when saved from the gallows she was repatriated back to China where she married CCM Chin Tien. One important half truth is that he was fighting the British for liberation of the Malayan races. He did not tell the other half of the truth that he fought under guise of national liberation in order to subsequently set up a Communist Republic of Malaya. This the CPM had been planning from the 1930s, was still planning throughout and after the Japanese Occupation and this remained their objective during the entire 1st and 2nd Emergency. Their wartime alliance with the British was just a temporary marriage of mutual convenience but well understood by both sides. His self revelations especially in hindsight indicate mixed, confusing and contradictory feelings and views at different times. He also could not but admit vital strategic errors in judgement and policy.
Undoubtedly Chin Peng had sincere motivations of youthful idealism and service to society. This he found not that easy to follow and even harder to prosecute in the arbitrary harshness and demagogue communist doctrinaire and discipline of the party.. Given any choice he would prefer to succeed within the rule of law. He did not and could not as he was secretary general of the party had been caught too long and too deep in Maoism and its belief that armed struggle is the highest form of political struggle and had to continue at any cost and by any means. If he is indeed a man of nation and still the man of his youth, he has to succeed or fail again within the rule of law and still remain Chin Peng the youth and the re‑discovered man.
Many including some in the media do not realize that it was only the armed wing of the CPM, the so‑called Malayan Peoples Army (MPA) operating under their party direction and comprising party and nonparty members, that and only the MPA that was disbanded, NOT the CPM where all its demagogue doctrinaire remains still embedded.
A paradox now exists by virtue of the Peace Accord which tactically succeeded in achieving the main objective of restoring peace in the interest of both parties but importantly, the central interest of the masses who had endured so much pain, hurt and even death for so many decades.
Ex‑members of the MPA and CPM party members can within the provisions of appertaining laws and covenants, qualify and obtain residence again in Malaysia and eventually activate like all other citizens in any activity provided they remain within the rule of law and the Constitution. Hopefully they will now attest to this not only in words but by demonstrated more substantive content.
Chin Peng the man and the SG holds the key to the answer of what is essentially a common dilemma. In the meantime there is much he has to clarify to the people not by hiding in shadows of gray areas which were not sufficiently addressed at the time of the 1989 Peace Accord if only for "peace" to succeed further. There are still distinctive and controversial areas which should now be addressed .
Certain statements made by him in his book published in 2003 many years after the Accord reflecting on the 1955 Baling Talks read:
" if we (in 1955) could achieve a reasonable peace settlement with the incoming party (Alliance) following the elections, perhaps we would face five or ten years in the political wilderness. That would be acceptable.. During this time we would lie low and regroup. After that we would re‑emerge and fight again ‑ this time not with arms but within the constitutional framework ‑ for the creation of a (communist) socialist state. Had the scenario worked, I would never have contemplated returning to armed struggle."
His Dy Secretary General CCM Yeong Kwo in a personal and secret document recovered by security forces in 1956 stated,
" We are no believers in legality and are certainly not content with an open and legal struggle. Our aim is to cover up and support an illegal struggle by means of open and legal activities."
Can it be understood now that for our future generations why we need double‑assurance that the CPM will never ever take up armed struggle again? Maybe then a day may come when a more generous Malaysia in consonance with our multiracial communities and multiferous religions, cultures and creeds may perhaps not oppose the legalizing of an acceptable and re‑structured communist party without violence and no longer works on a premise that the end justifies the means ‑ any means with all the primitiveness of the jungle and like an animal of the jungle.
After all it is people, the individuals in power who make a good government, whatever their ideology and whatever the system. That is what really matters in the service, management and leadership of society and peoples.
The greater majority of our people whether in the BN or the Opposition have irrevocably chosen democracy and not communism for our way of life and government ‑ no matter what their differences may be in the democratic practice of government and politics.
They pointedly ask, "What Chin Peng, if you do not succeed again? Will you just write another book? You and your survivor comrades will in all probability be too old to fight another armed struggle BUT an unfettered and even now undissolved CPM can embark on armed struggle again and create yet another trail of death and blood again.
And paradoxically by virtue of the Peace Accord a number of de‑facto still party members of a legally illegal CPM have been allowed residence in Malaysia. We should not have to hold another Peace Talk to find a solution through another Peace Accord. True sincerity and honesty for nation can provide the perspective answer ‑ not presumptuous pride and dogmatism nor twisted conspiracy or insincerity on any side.!
The CPM must with fresh enlightenment realize that the age and era of the orthodox communist party of the past has gone with the developed evolution and advancement of human societies. Especially in developing countries like Malaysia there is no more place for the dogmatism of democratic centralism.
A new phase of socialism is evolving in Socialist China where yellow culture is no longer yellow. China is wisely moving forward with guided and more developed democracy both in form and calculated substance and lesser form of the rigidity and legacy of Mao Tse Tung that was. Even as an obsessive fighter against communist terrorism in this country, I had in service appreciated that communism had been good for China and its masses of impoverished population in the rural hinterland who were tough, willing to work and survived even if initially under a somewhat oppressive system.
During a sojourn in China in my tender youthful years, I saw a decadent KMT government of the times with despotic warlords, secret society support turn corrupted by self aggrandizement, greed, nepotism and cronyism. It had only to fall. It was not so much that Mao Tse Tung won China. It was degenerated and self inflated weakness of Chiang Kai Shek who lost China to Mao Tse Tung.
A wise Chou En Lai was asked by the CPM, flushed by the CCP victories over the KMT in China, whether the CPM should commence armed struggle in Malaya. Chou did not comment either way. He emphasized by inference that it was the intuitive understanding of the total situation, the environment, the people, their political consciousness and basic communal psychologies that would dictate a decision.
Chin Peng and the Central Committee, too enthusiastic and confident, failed to appreciate the complexities and differences in multiracial and still conservative Malaya. This was one of the reasons why the CPM lost the war because the armed struggle was planned on a China pattern, for a Chinese environment and by the Chinese mind ‑totally unsuitable for the completely different Malayan environment where the major Malay community with a proud history of racial pride and values had not even been effectively consulted .
There is one political reality that the present government must seriously consider. Chin Peng may truly and sincerely want to work politically within the framework of the law. He may even declare he will not espouse the option of armed struggle ever again. His asset thereafter will be very desirable to especially Opposition parties. It will be quite significant and to the Opposition Front he could be much more in decisive substance together with the Anwar Ibrahim factor.
There are undoubtedly also developing sentiments of race and class. The younger generations of non‑Malays feel they are discriminated against and strongly that the policy of racial preference should be revised or even cease. Young Malays and non‑Malays are disenchanted by what they perceive as corporate dominance, the weight of its social and economic presumptuousness and the decadence of political and social corruption which pervades both government and society ‑a convenient scenario for class struggle. Policy of government cannot just continue to talk or look fair. It must be fair and seen to be fair in substance of implementation. The success of communism is not on the strength and numbers of its party. It is the total strength of the weakness, the malpractice, the racism and chauvinism and in the end the hopelessness of the impotence that will self‑destruct a government that was once the multiracial hope of nation..
(Dato Seri Yuen Yuet Leng)
Ampang
20th June 2005.
The greater majority of our people whether in the BN or the Opposition have irrevocably chosen democracy and not communism for our way of life and government ‑ no matter what their differences may be in the democratic practice of government and politics.
They pointedly ask, "What Chin Peng, if you do not succeed again? Will you just write another book? You and your survivor comrades will in all probability be too old to fight another armed struggle BUT an unfettered and even now undissolved CPM can embark on armed struggle again and create yet another trail of death and blood again.
And paradoxically by virtue of the Peace Accord a number of de‑facto still party members of a legally illegal CPM have been allowed residence in Malaysia. We should not have to hold another Peace Talk to find a solution through another Peace Accord. True sincerity and honesty for nation can provide the perspective answer ‑ not presumptuous pride and dogmatism nor twisted conspiracy or insincerity on any side.!
The CPM must with fresh enlightenment realize that the age and era of the orthodox communist party of the past has gone with the developed evolution and advancement of human societies. Especially in developing countries like Malaysia there is no more place for the dogmatism of democratic centralism.
A new phase of socialism is evolving in Socialist China where yellow culture is no longer yellow. China is wisely moving forward with guided and more developed democracy both in form and calculated substance and lesser form of the rigidity and legacy of Mao Tse Tung that was. Even as an obsessive fighter against communist terrorism in this country, I had in service appreciated that communism had been good for China and its masses of impoverished population in the rural hinterland who were tough, willing to work and survived even if initially under a somewhat oppressive system.
During a sojourn in China in my tender youthful years, I saw a decadent KMT government of the times with despotic warlords, secret society support turn corrupted by self aggrandizement, greed, nepotism and cronyism. It had only to fall. It was not so much that Mao Tse Tung won China. It was degenerated and self inflated weakness of Chiang Kai Shek who lost China to Mao Tse Tung.
A wise Chou En Lai was asked by the CPM, flushed by the CCP victories over the KMT in China, whether the CPM should commence armed struggle in Malaya. Chou did not comment either way. He emphasized by inference that it was the intuitive understanding of the total situation, the environment, the people, their political consciousness and basic communal psychologies that would dictate a decision.
Chin Peng and the Central Committee, too enthusiastic and confident, failed to appreciate the complexities and differences in multiracial and still conservative Malaya. This was one of the reasons why the CPM lost the war because the armed struggle was planned on a China pattern, for a Chinese environment and by the Chinese mind ‑totally unsuitable for the completely different Malayan environment where the major Malay community with a proud history of racial pride and values had not even been effectively consulted .
There is one political reality that the present government must seriously consider. Chin Peng may truly and sincerely want to work politically within the framework of the law. He may even declare he will not espouse the option of armed struggle ever again. His asset thereafter will be very desirable to especially Opposition parties. It will be quite significant and to the Opposition Front he could be much more in decisive substance together with the Anwar Ibrahim factor.
There are undoubtedly also developing sentiments of race and class. The younger generations of non‑Malays feel they are discriminated against and strongly that the policy of racial preference should be revised or even cease. Young Malays and non‑Malays are disenchanted by what they perceive as corporate dominance, the weight of its social and economic presumptuousness and the decadence of political and social corruption which pervades both government and society ‑a convenient scenario for class struggle. Policy of government cannot just continue to talk or look fair. It must be fair and seen to be fair in substance of implementation. The success of communism is not on the strength and numbers of its party. It is the total strength of the weakness, the malpractice, the racism and chauvinism and in the end the hopelessness of the impotence that will self‑destruct a government that was once the multiracial hope of nation..
(Dato Seri Yuen Yuet Leng)
Ampang
20th June 2005.
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