Tuesday, 20 September 2011

Deficiency In Intellectual Honesty

Courtesy of Malaysiakini:

Deficiency in intellectual honesty
AB Sulaiman
Sep 19, 11
COMMENT The collective Malay mind has been featured by conformity and guided by the collective or group mentality, where individuals are extorted to conform to group norms.

If the group will says something is white, then white it is; if it says turn left then turn left it is. There is otherwise no disagreement, no doubt, and no inquiry. There is no desire for intellectual honesty.

Something major is happening in this landscape. Its beginning could be since the time Malaysians have been privy to the Internet and social media like Twitter and Facebook. These modern channels have been tearing open and emancipating this mentality.

I relate a recent case by going back to Sept 13 when the venerableUtusan Malaysia printed six caricatures depicting the 'cruelties' of the communists in Malayan history. The cartoons were drawn by a retired cartoonist or illustrator Hamzah Mohd Amin and designed to expose 'communist cruelty' to ordinary people.

NONEAmong the most controversial of his artwork is a depiction of slant-eyed men in tan-coloured uniforms, waving weapons and forcing a group of Malay-looking (therefore Muslim) people to eat pork.

My point is that Hamzah's artwork reflects the prevailing conventional wisdom:
  • That the communists were Chinese;
  • The communists were also terrorists;
  • That the Chinese communist terrorists had committed various atrocities to the peace- loving Malay and Muslim community; and
  • There is no tolerance for the views of others.
"Today's generation does not know the hardships of life during the communist era. I worked to create the drawings a few weeks ago, so that they will be able to picture the cruelty of the communist and why we hate them," he was quoted as saying.

"Through the drawings, I hope that they will realise the cruelty of the communists and learn from it.”

NONEThe message in turn was clear enough: The standard stereotype that the communists were inflicting untold cruelty on gentle and pious (Malay-Muslim) citizens. The communists were taken as wholly Chinese: so hate the Chinese! Hate the communists! Also, wake up Malays and defend your agama, bangsa dan negara against the marauding Chinese and communists!

It's all hogwash of course. But until the recent past such sentiments were in vogue.

Not this time. Indeed this time around the messages conveyed by the series of cartoons received critical comments from the public. I take the liberty to quote some responses published in the 'comments' column in Malaysiakini.

'Anak Sabah1' chided the cartoonist: Hamzah, why don't you spend time drawing pictures of BN's corruption that will affect the future of your children? There are better ways to earn a living than working with Utusan to spew lies and affect your soul.

'Black Mamba' in turn challenged the notion that only the communists were cruel: Caricatures can be drawn too on how Altantuya was C4ed, how TBH was thrown down, how Kugan was tortured to death and how that Malay boy in Shah Alam was sprayed with bullets, Francis was thrown into Klang river, all these acts carried out by our uniformed men.

He ended with the telling statement: 'As if our government is not cruel.'

On the same wavelength 'Clean&Clear' stated: Yes, as a Malaysian Chinese, I am aware of the atrocities committed by the Communists and the hardships we had to go through. BUT, the cartoons above definitely have a racial overtone depicting as if the Communists were all Chinese and the victims were all Malays. We, Malaysian Chinese also fell victim to the Communists cruelty. So, it's NOT just one race that is the casualty during the Emergency period.

It's regrettable that the writers write behind some pseudonyms. But I share their sentiments and feel free quoting them virtually ad verbatim and inclusive of the emphasis. Thank you guys, whoever you are.

Personal viewpoint

The important point to note though is that Hamzah does not get away with his caricatures without any critical comment from the public; a case not at all possible a few years back.

I interpret this fresh new wind as akin to the changing of the baton from the old conforming to new inquiring era, from acceptance to analysis, from group demands to individual views.

pengukir nama johor mat sabu 050911Another tsunami-size status quo-breaking case is raging the same landscape right now. It came in the form of a fairly innocuous statement made by Mat Sabu about what is known as the Bukit Kepong incident.

According to the history books, policemen were defending a police station against attack made by a group of insurgents back in 1950. Apparently the policemen and some members of their families were killed. To historians the policemen were the heroes for defending the country against the communist insurgents, while the attackers were villains.

Mat Sabu, an up and coming PAS bigwig, claimed otherwise. To him the policemen were guarding the security line of the British colonial government and the attackers were akin to freedom fighters who wanted to see the end of colonial power. He was saying this in a most casual coffee shop-chatter way.

He was airing an alternative and personal viewpoint, different from the old established collective one.

But this off-the-cuff point had been taken as though he had committed the most dastardly crime like say having murdered 50 innocent people, or taking a billion ringgit in corrupt money, or surrendering some islands to foreign governments. The newspapers have been full of stories of how traitorous this Mat Sabu has been.

This was also the time when suddenly people from all over the country came up with many tales of how cruel the communists had been (similar to Hamzah's perception) and that treasonous people like Mat Sabu should be stripped of his citizenship.

All this happened when some spin-doctors, perhaps to curry the favour of the government, were going for the big kill to discredit Mat Sabu.

er teck hwa visit bukit kepong police station 060911But when some more rational members of the public began to question the spin-doctors' over-reaction they saw one flaw in the attacking arguments: that the episode happened in 1950 while this country had its independence in 1957. So chronologically and technically it could just be possible for the unfortunate policemen of Bukit Kepong be the colonialists' agents. Mat Sabu might just have a point!

Kee Thuan Chye a noted author and social commentator (Malaysiakini, Sept 16) made some telling remarks about this case: 'The spin against Mat Sabu has gone out of whack. His (opponents) have even extrapolated the meaning of his remarks to imply that he does not appreciate the sacrifices of the police and the armed forces. This is certainly not true. There is no such implication.'

All for truth

Sensing this possible embarrassment the spin-doctors went into another offensive. This time it was on the ground that the country was not really colonised by the British that they came only to administer the country.

upm student suhakam memo 211107 khoo kay kimProfessors Khoo Kay Kim(right) and Zainal Keling for example came up with the contention that in effect Malaya was never colonised by the British but instead were 'administrators'. In other words the policemen were loyalists and nationalists of the Malay sultanate.

There was confusion galore. And this part is easy to understand: if the country had not been colonised by the British why have we been celebrating Independence Day on Aug 31 every year since 1958?

But the people saw through this ruse. Their recently emancipated mind began to see that the whole episode has been a case where 'history is written by the victors' i.e. by the ruling coalition.

It thereby appears that the government wanted Malaysian history to be written to conform to their designs and agenda. This is translated to highlighting what is good for them while ignoring what not. Forget the facts and evidence, go for the tapestry that we have designed, they seemed to be saying.

But the people would rather go for intellectual honesty. In history they go for the facts and evidence. As to whether these are good or bad does not matter, so long as it is the truth.

And this new era has allowed the people to say so. One platform for expressing this new sentiment was in the form of a forum organised by the Kempen Sejarah Malaysia Sebenar (KSMS) on Sept 15.

kim quek new book where to malaysia forum 100708  hishamuddin raisHere Hishamuddin Rais, a noted social activist, aired the alternative view that there is no such thing as history being written by the victors. He claimed that in the case of the Malay society the people were 'lazy' as writers so they had Malay history written by others.

Or that they wanted history to be written with their perception and agenda in mind. Forget the truth, forget the facts and evidence, just write what we want you to write, they seemed to have directed textbook writers to do.

Kee had said something similar: 'This is not unexpected. Our leaders have been twisting things to suit their political agenda for decades. And historical facts are not spared.'

In other words intellectual honesty is gravely deficient in Malaysian history.

So where do we go from here? For this I come back to KSMS. This is a civil society movement set up by concerned groups and individuals who are aware that the History textbooks in secondary schools have been doctored (i.e. modified, altered) so much from its original version of 30 or 40 years ago - in other words they contain history as seen in the eyes of the ruling coalition, paying little due regard to the accuracy of facts and evidence.

KSMS feels the time is due for a thorough rehash, a thorough rewrite, a thorough re-introduction of intellectual honesty and factual integrity to our History textbooks. This as good a starting point as any. I am happy to say that I am closely associated with this movement.

AB SULAIMAN is an observer of human traits and foibles, especially within the context of religion and culture. As a liberal, he marvels at the way orthodoxy fights to maintain its credibility in a devilishly fast-changing world. He hopes to provide some understanding to the issues at hand and wherever possible, suggest some solutions. He holds a Bachelor in Social Sciences (Leicester, UK) and a Diploma in Public Administration, Universiti Malaya.

Saturday, 17 September 2011

"Undilah" Tapi Undi Siapa?

Sublime yet not so sublime. Or maybe sublimely blatant would be an apt oxymoron to describe the message of Pete Teo's "Undilah" video. Yah, we know we must daftar sebagai pengundi and then actually go mengundi when the time comes. Most of us don't really need a video to remind us, so what gives? This video clearly tells us:
  1. This country faces obvious problems; need not elaborate
  2. The country needs us; there is a need for change
  3. Vote for change
  4. If we fail, we are still Malaysians anyway
What is Wee Ka Siong doing in the video? I suppose he is part of that factor which makes the message sublime. 

Wednesday, 14 September 2011

A Grandmother And Her Granddaughter

June 1998
My mother will be having her birthday for the twentieth time next year. No she is not twenty years old come February next but will be 80. That comes with being born on 29th February! Krystyn is 24.

Yesterday, Krystyn went out with her grandmother on one of their now regular jaunts to Tesco. They are two generations apart and I would not say they are best of pals in the sense of the word. But they enjoy a very good grandmother-granddaughter relationship that only really blossomed after Jeannie's passing more than 4 years ago. Cantonese speaking Krystyn is also her grandchild who is most Chinese in her ways compared to the rest who are essentially "yellow on the outside, white on the inside" bananas.

June 2011
These days there is even no need for me to be within their communications loop and my mother hardly ever needs to phone me anymore. She is comfortable getting Krystyn to drive her around when she needs to and Krystyn has no qualms doing so. I believe she has come to terms with the fact that Krystyn is already a young woman in her own right. It is through Krystyn and JJ today that my mother can truly appreciate Jeannie's upbringing of her grand children and indeed understand Jeannie better; they are unmistakably Jeannie's children.

Krystyn on the other hand can learn a lot from her Ah Mah especially about household stuff and in filling blanks about things past in this Cheah family. The current main tutorial seems to be in the art of fresh grocery shopping. Just to indicate how proficient my mother is, based on weight estimation alone, Krystyn related how she required and selected 5 kilos of cucumber (to make acar awak for a friend) at Tesco yesterday. She picked the cucumbers into three plastic bags and when Krystyn took them to the weighing counter to pack, one was exactly 2.0 kg, another 1.80 kg and the other 1.20 kg = 5.0 kg! That kind of kung fu is not acquired overnight...just imagine the level of knowledge and proficiency that comes with more than 60 years cooking experience.

Early 1950s?
Life is a cycle and renewal comes with succession. Recently, my mother has been handing to Krystyn custody of some of her simple, yet cherished possessions...old photographs, recipe books, etc. I would rather see this in the good light of acceptance and reconciliation with life.

Monday, 12 September 2011

"Hak DiNafikan" Rights Denied...

When it comes to race and ancestry in Malaysia, it is so easy to be confused not only by the diversity but also the terminology used in definition of racial groups. Also, if there was no need to segregate for reasons of preferential socio-economic privileges, then race will only be something that we are born as.

Indigenous Peoples in Malaysia 

Peninsular Malaysia
The Orang Asli consist of 19 ethnic sub-groups officially classified for administrative purposes as Negrito, Senoi and Aboriginal Malay. They number 133,000, representing a mere 0.7% of the national population. In spite of their small number, the Orang Asli are not homogeneous, each group having its own language and culture and, most importantly, perceiving itself as different from the others. They also have different ways of life and livelihoods, with some groups (e.g. Orang Laut, Orang Seletar and Mah Meri) living close to the coast as fisherfolk, some (Temuan, Jakun and Semai) adopting permanent agriculture, planting cash crops such as rubber, oil palm or cocoa, while many (around 40%, including Semai, Temiar, Che Wong, Jah Hut, Semelai and Semaq Beri) continue to live close to or within forested areas and engage in swidden farming, hunting and gathering. Some groups from the Negrito branch (e.g. Jahai and Lanoh) are still semi-nomadic, preferring to take advantage of the seasonal bounties of the forest. With the growth of urban centers and their intrusion into the lifestyle of the Orang Asli, a fair number now also live in urban areas and are engaged in both waged and salaried jobs.

Sabah is characterized by ethnic pluralism, with more than 30 different indigenous groups, including Kadazan, Dusun, Rungus, Murut, Sungai and Lundayeh. They speak more than 50 languages and 80 dialects. The Dusunic, Murutic and Paitanic groups are the larger of the ethnic groups. The indigenous population in Sabah makes up approximately 60% of the state's population and the majority live in the rural areas. The Kadazan-dusuns, who are the most dominant ethnic group, occupy western, northern and central Sabah. The Rungus communities reside on the northern part of Sabah. The Murut communities are found in the south-west interior of Sabah while the Sungai occupy the eastern part of interior Sabah. Lundayeh communities are found in the southern part, near the border with Sarawak and Kalimantan.

The diverse land forms, soils, climates and vegetation provide a diverse agro-ecosystem for the many indigenous communities. The indigenous peoples are mostly subsistence farmers who practise diversified agriculture, including cultivation of wet and hill rice, vegetables and fruit trees. The rural farmers often pursue a wide range of livelihood activities. Parts of the production system are devoted to subsistence while others are for income generation. Rotational agriculture in its pure form as the major source of subsistence is becoming increasingly rare. Permanent farming of annual and perennial crops, as well as off-farm activities, are often economically more important. Apart from farming, many of the land-based indigenous communities rely on the diverse forest resources for food, medicine, fuel, building materials and other household needs. There are many fishing communities along the coastline and around river mouths. Their cash income is derived mainly from surplus food crops, cash crops and fish sold at the market. A large number of indigenous peoples also hold posts in various government departments, or are in some way connected to the local administrative structure.

The indigenous peoples in Sarawak make up around 50% of the state's population. Officially, there are 28 indigenous groups listed. However, there are at least 37 known groups and sub-groups, including Iban, Penan, Kenyah, Kayan, Kelabit, Ukit, Sekapan, Lahanan and Punan Bah.

The indigenous peoples of Sarawak practise rotational cultivation with an emphasis on rice plantation, supplementing their diet through hunting and gathering forest produce. A small number of the Penan community still lead a nomadic life, hunting and gathering, while the rest of the community has now either settled or is partially settled. The rural indigenous communities depend on the river for their drinking water, food, washing and transportation. The indigenous population in Sarawak has also been integrated into plantation projects involving the cultivation of cash crops such as oil palm, pepper, cocoa and rubber trees. Others work in the timber industry and there are those who have migrated to urban areas

Thursday, 8 September 2011

From Malay Dilemma To Malaysia's Dilemma

This article by Reuters reads like a "State of the Union" address or in our case, a "State of the Dominion" address! It is worth reading.

A Malaysian ethnic Chinese closes the door of a temple in Kuala Lumpur July 5, 2011.

JULY 2011 REUTERS Special Report

The man who made Malaysia part of the “East Asia Miracle” with a massive inflow of foreign direct investment doesn’t think much of it today. Mahathir’s thinking is at odds with government policy. But it gets to the heart of a debate over the future of the former emerging market star now in danger of becoming an also-ran, stuck in the dreaded “middle income trap” and plagued by racial divide.

FLYING THE MALAYSIAN FLAG: Jasmit Kaur and daughter Manishajeet wear headbands depicting the Malaysian national flag during National Day celebrations, marking the 53rd anniversary of country’s independence, in Kuala Lumpur August 31, 2010.

Malaysia ’s dilemma: Can it reform and discriminate? By Bill Tarrant PUTRAJAYA, MALAYSIA, July 7

Dr. Mahathir Mohamad sits at a vast desk cluttered with work, hands clasped before him and looking at his visitors with a slight smile.

Dr. M, as he is popularly known, was prime minister of Malaysia from 1981 to 2003, the first commoner to ever hold the post in a land with nine sultans. His demeanor suggests the country physician he once was, ready with a frank diagnosis—and in his first interview with the foreign media in five years, he doles out prescriptions for what ails his nation.

The man who made Malaysia part of the “East Asia Miracle” with a massive inflow of foreign direct investment doesn’t think much of it today. The former miracle economy, now a muddle, needs a new policy direction, he says in his office in Putrajaya, the administrative capital he built on old plantation land in the 1990s.

“We should not be too dependent on FDI anymore,” says Mahathir. “We’ve come to the stage when locals can invest. They have now the capital. They have the technology. They know the market. And I think they can manage big industries.”

His thinking is at odds with government policy. But it gets to the heart of a debate over the future of Malaysia, a former emerging market star now in danger of becoming an also-ran, stuck in the dreaded “middle income trap.”

Foreign investment has been dwindling since the onset of the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis. Capital outflows have even exceeded inflows in four of the past five years. This has been accompanied by an alarming “brain drain” of emigres voting with their feet against Malaysia’s prospects.

Malaysia is counting on foreign investment to provide a quarter of the investments needed to fund projects under its “Economic Transformation Programme,” which aims to turn the country of 28 million into a fully developed nation by 2020.

That comes to an average of more than $11 billion a year, compared with an average of $3.1 billion since 1997—by any measure an ambitious target.

The challenge is vastly more complicated by the exodus of talent that hits directly at Malaysia’s aspiration to become a high-income nation focused on knowledge-based industries.

LIGHT MOMENT: Ethnic Malays and an ethnic Indian leave office after work in Putrajaya outside Kuala Lumpur in this January 3, 2007 file photo.

“For Malaysia to stand success in its journey to high income, it will need to develop, attract and retain talent,” the World Bank said in a March report. “Brain drain does not appear to square with this objective: Malaysia needs talent, but talent seems to be leaving.”

The rise of China and India in the region has overshadowed the export-dependent “Tiger Cub” economies of Southeast Asia, all struggling with their own reforms. Thailand has been at a dangerous political impasse for six years. Indonesia is consistently ranked as among the world’s most corrupt countries. The hilippines is battling long-running insurgencies.

Yet Malaysia does not compare well with its peers in the eyes of investors. A March report by Bank of America Merrill Lynch ranked Malaysia the second least popular market after Colombia among global emerging market fund managers and tied with India for least favourite among Asia-Pacific managers.

A chief difficulty is the nation’s balky affirmative action programme.

Ethnic Chinese account for most of the brain drain. The reason 60 percent of them gave for why they moved out of the motherland was “social injustice”, a World Bank survey says.

They are referring to the “Bumiputra” (sons of the soil) policy that discriminates against Chinese and Indians, who account for a third of the population, in favour of majority Malays for all kinds of things—places in universities, jobs, shares in companies, home mortgages, government contracts.

The government acknowledges the policy has been widely abused, with Malay front men offering their names to Chinese businesses to obtain government contracts, an arrangement known as “Ali Baba”, after the character in Arabian Nights who gains entrance to the treasure cave of the 40 thieves with the magic words “Open Sesame”.

Prime Minister Najib Razak has launched a new edition of the policy called the New Economic Model that is meant to correct the inequities, mainly by making preferences need-based and not race-based. But as the World Bank report noted, “limited headway has been made on this front.”

It is certainly not popular with the rank and file Malays in Najib’s UMNO party.

Making significant reforms to the system is crucial to Malaysia’s aspirations, but any rollback of privileges for the majority is a big political risk for any government that tries it.

It is the Malaysian dilemma.


Idris Jala, the minister in charge of greatly boosting investment and wooing back emigres under the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP), calls it the impossible game.

He is an unlikely character in the Malaysian Cabinet, a Christian from the Kelabit tribe in Sarawak on Malaysian Borneo who spent most of his career running companies, including the Malaysian unit of Royal Dutch Shell and Malaysia Airlines.

“I am a true believer that real transformation goes hand in hand with the game of the impossible,” Idris says in an e-mail interview. He sets impossible targets, is “very directive” and pushes his team constantly “to do the right things, but differently” until they are finally “one step ahead of you”.

“When you do transformation, you cannot achieve big results by democracy,” he notes.

The ETP aims to attract 1.4 trillion ringgit ($466 billion) by 2020 in a dozen broad industries. Only 8 percent of that will come from the government, which has long dominated the economy, either directly or through government-linked firms. Idris disclosed to Reuters that foreign investment will account for 27 percent of the total.

He wants to climb the value ladder in the targeted industries.

Take birds’ nests, for example. Nests made with the saliva of swifts have been collected for centuries from huge limestone caves in Idris’ home state of Sarawak to make the most expensive soup on earth. Processing them would give Malaysia a bigger chunk of a global market worth $3.3 billion, he said.

Foreign investment will also provide many of the 3.3 million jobs that will be created under the ETP, whose over-arching goal is to raise per capita income to $15,000 from $6,700 in 2009.

A challenge will be to upgrade skills in a labour force long geared to basic manufacturing and plantations, attract foreign talent, and try to reverse some of the “brain drain.” About 700,000 Malaysians work abroad.

A new agency called “Talent Corporation” has been given this task, offering tax breaks for Malaysians to return home and easing visa restrictions for foreigners.

But the shift from low-cost manufacturing and plantations to more knowledge intensive work needs to take place in an environment where creativity and freedom of inquiry can flourish to draw talent and investment. The Malaysian model of ethnic preferences has not been conducive to that.


Mahathir remains a towering figure. In public forums and in his blog, he is a scourge to the government of the day, influential, for instance, in forcing the early retirement of his anointed successor, Abdullah Badawi. But while he’s a critic of his successors, he is a strong defender of the Malaysian system he built.

Mahathir came to office as the foremost champion of Malay privileges. Under his administration, the “Bumiputra rules” led to a mingling of politics and business that largely benefited a coterie of Malay and Chinese businessmen.

Huge government building projects kept the contracts flowing and the political machine running. Mahathir says as much in the interview, citing the slowdown in big projects as the reason for the steady attrition of Chinese support for his successors in office.

“What is happening is the Chinese feel that in the economic area, the business area, they are not receiving the kind of benefits they got during previous times,” he said. “The moment I stepped down, all the projects were stopped ... When you stop big government projects, a lot of people—well, their businesses will go down.”

In March, Mahathir published an 809-page autobiography, “A Doctor in the House.” His main motivation in writing it was “to make corrections of the opinions and the accusations that were leveled at me”— especially that he systematically undermined the judiciary.

It is the biggest stain on his record. He authorised the arrest of his deputy and heir apparent, Anwar Ibrahim, on sodomy and corruption charges after the two men fell out over how to handle the Asian financial crisis. The trial was denounced in and out of Malaysia as a farce that called into question the rule of law.

The financial crisis and Anwar’s conviction marked a watershed. Foreign investors became wary about Malaysia, and a country once a haven for foreign investment was shunned.

“Ten-twenty years ago, Malaysia was it,” said a regional president of a European-based distribution company. “But then came 1997 and the rule of law was exposed for what it was. We once looked at Malaysia for a regional headquarters but rule of law and the bumi policy made us choose Singapore instead.”
Mahathir retired in 2003, but Malaysia has yet to inspire confidence again. Economic growth has fallen along with investment, averaging 4.6 percent in the decade that ended in 2010 from an average 7.2 percent in the 1990s.

“FOR MALAYSIA TO STAND SUCCESS IN ITS JOURNEY TO HIGH INCOME, IT WILL NEED TO DEVELOP, ATTRACT AND RETAIN TALENT ... [IT] needs talent, but talent seems to be leaving" World Bank Report Released in March


Putrajaya is a monument to Muslim Malay culture. Graceful minarets and gleaming blue domes dominate the skyline and a bridge across an artificial lake was inspired by the famous one in Isfahan, Iran. More than 90 percent of the residents are Bumiputras.

Across Putrajaya lake from Mahathir’s office is a curious community of knowledge workers called Cyberjaya. The town is a place where the contentious “bum rules” do not apply.

Cyberjaya (cyber success) is home to about 500 IT companies and two universities. It has a daytime population of 41,000 but only 14,000 fulltime residents sleep there overnight. This town is filled with futuristic-looking buildings but has few residential neighbourhoods and little in the way of amenities, not yet anyway.

Cyberjaya was one of Mahathir’s last big projects. It was to be Malaysia’s answer to California’s Silicon Valley, the key difference being this one would be a ready-made town, built on old plantation land, in hopes technology innovators would come.

Cyberjaya offers foreign investors a waiver of the “Bumiputra” rules that require equity stakes and employment for ethnic Malays. It also guaranteed the Internet would not be censored, in a country that kept the media on a tight leash.

Cyberjaya was part of a grand plan toavoid the emerging market middle income trap Malaysia was falling into because it could no longer compete for manufacturing jobs, especially with China.

Then the financial crisis hit and Mahathir’s response spooked potential investors. Blaming Jewish conspirators for the crisis, he imposed capital controls to stop short-selling of the ringgit. Anwar was arrested the day after that.

Some $30 billion in portfolio investment fled Malaysia in 1997; most of it has yet to return. Key foreign investors scrapped plans for Cyberjaya and for years Malaysia struggled to woo them back. The effort now appears to be bearing fruit.

Last October, Hewlett Packard launched a multi-purpose client servicing center in Cyberjaya, the single biggest investment by a technology multinational in Malaysia. HP said it would provide 4,000 jobs. It joins Dell, DHL, IBM, Fujitsu, Nokia and DoCoMo among others in the 29-square-kilometre town.

Since 2009, Cyberjaya has attracted 7.12 billion ringgit in investment, compared with a total of 4.62 billion ringgit in the previous 11 years.

Success has given Hafidz Hashim, managing director of Cyberview Sdn Bhd, the town’s developer, a new problem.

“Entertainment,” Hafiz said when asked what his “citizens” want the most. He is known as “the mayor of Cyberjaya because his company acts as both builder and city manager.

More than half the projected investment over the next three years will be for residential property, Hafidz said in an interview. Cyberview has already built a community center and clubhouse and plans to build a huge entertainment complex, along with more shops and restaurants.

It is far from Malaysia’s answer to Silicon Valley, though. Cyberjaya is home to server farms, data storage facilities and client service centers, the low end of the Internet economy. There is little in the way of R&D underway.

Arvin Singh, 22, has just quit his job at the HP plant because he was “constantly doing the same thing over and over again” and not growing on the job. Most of his co-workers were content to remain in this “comfort zone,” he said.

“But one must constantly work to expand one’s knowledge,” Singh says, adding he plans to study overseas to get further qualified.

Hafidz said one of his biggest challenges is meeting the skills companies in Cyberjaya need, and which Malaysia’s education system is not providing. He has set up a “Knowledge Workers Development Institute” where companies can send workers for training, and on-the-job training programmes.

Cyberjaya’s success after a sputtering start has inspired similar projects in the country.

The most ambitious is one emerging just north of Singapore called Iskandar Malaysia. It will eventually be a metropolis three times the size of Singapore with theme parks, international schools and colleges, hotels and hospitals, a movie studio, a financial centre and luxury homes. It has attracted $23 billion in promised investments, nearly half from overseas.

Iskandar is one of five “economic growth corridors” Malaysia is developing with incentives to foreign investors. They are, in effect, investment zones ring-fenced from the mainstream economy where business and politics have long entwined.


Months after Mahathir took power in 1981, a Malaysian Chinese banker packed up his family in the southern city of Johor Bahru and moved to Singapore. He had grown uneasy about the future as Mahathir took an increasingly interventionist approach to the economy and ramped up the affirmative action policy.

Those uncertainties have only increased for a Chinese community that abandoned the ruling National Front coalition in the 2008 general election and are now deserting the country in ever mounting numbers. The World Bank said the Malaysian diaspora has quadrupled over the past three decades.

“People are unhappy about the way the (policy) has been exploited, the way it has degenerated into some kind of apartheid policy,” said the banker, who requested only his surname, Lee, be used.

“They say come back, we’ll give you tax breaks. But when you move back, you’re not talking just about your career, but your children’s future. And it’s this perception of uncertainty that holds them back. They feel the society they have moved to is more assuring that the one they came from.”

Lee’s son, a medical doctor, said the overseas Malaysian Chinese community has now become anxious about the growing force of political Islam. Last year, 10 churches and two mosques were desecrated after a Malaysian high court ruled Christians could use the word Allah for God in their literature.

“A lot of people are now worried about a hyper-religious government taking power, and then all that they worked so hard for goes up in smoke.”

Kalimullah Hassan, former Group Editor of Malaysia’s pro-government New Straits Times publications, understands their anxiety.

A Bumiputra himself, Kalimullah worries about the emergence of right-wing politicians trying to win back Malays, nearly half of whom voted for a multi-ethnic opposition coalition headed by Anwar Ibrahim in 2008.

“To unite the Malays, they raise the bogeyman—other races, specifically the Chinese and foreigners who are supposedly out to displace the Malays in their own homeland – and in doing so, they’ve upped the ante in race relations,” Kalimullah says.

The politics of patronage is no longer working because there isn’t enough largesse to spread around in a country whose population has nearly tripled since 1970 and with capital inflows and growth slowing, Kalimullah says. What Malaysia needs now more than ever is the meritocracy Prime Minister Najib has proposed in his New Economic Model. Otherwise its human capital will be stunted, he says.
“In the mid-to-long term, Malaysia is going to be left further behind by a world which has already realised that human capital is its greatest asset.”

Piece by piece, Malaysia builds new metropolis by Singapore 
By Xue Jianyue ISKANDAR, MALAYSIA, July 7


Like a giant Lego project, Malaysia is assembling the pieces of an investment zone that is destined to become a metropolis about three times the size of neighbouring Singapore.

An area of mostly rubber and oil palm plantations covering 2,217 square km (855 square miles) in the southern state of Johor is being turned into international schools, hospitals, hotels, theme parks, luxury homes and a financial district.

One of the first pieces of the development, appropriately enough, is a Legoland theme park. Due to open next year, it will offer 40 interactive shows and rides, along with 15,000 giant lego models of famous buildings. It will be the first of three planned theme parks in Iskandar Malaysia, named after the late sultan of Johor.

Launched on Nov. 4, 2006, Iskandar is one of five “economic growth corridors” Malaysia is developing over the next decade. They are part of an “Economic Transformation Programme” that aims to propel Malaysia into a fully-developed nation by 2020 by lifting per-capita incomes to $15,000 from $6,900 in 2009.

“At the moment, manufacturing contributes 70 percent of the region’s economy,” said Ismail Ibrahim, chief executive of the Iskandar Regional Development Authority (IRDA). “We hope upon reaching maturity at 2025, the main contributing sector would be the service sector.”

Far from being a rival to Singapore, Iskandar is courting investment from the rich city-state just across the Straits of Johor. Incentives include corporate and personal income tax breaks, and exemptions from the so-called “bumiputra rules”—foreign investors are allowed to own 100 percent of their businesses, with unrestricted hiring of foreign “knowledge workers”.

Like different coloured Lego blocks, Iskandar will feature various zones—financial, creative media, tourism, education and healthcare in the service sector; electrical and electronics, petrochemical and food processing among others in manufacturing.

It had already attracted RM 69.43 billion ($23 billion) in promised investment by last December. About 38-39 percent of that sum has been “realised”, Ismail told reporters in May.

Iskandar is targetting another RM 13 billion annually and a total of RM 73.3 billion over the next five years following the completion of key infrastructure, education and tourism projects by next year. Foreign investment has accounted for about 41 percent of the total so far.

Improving relations between Singapore and Malaysia are key to the Iskandar investment climate as the island state is expected to be the single biggest investor in the development.

Singapore left the Malaysian Federation in 1965 and ties since then have hit many a rough patch. But last year they signed agreements to settle long-standing issues, including railway land bisecting Singapore owned by Malaysian rail operator Keretapi Tanah Melayu (KTM).
CIMB research regional economist Song Seng Wun said that Singapore’s private sector companies have been the biggest and oldest investors in Johor, but what was missing was strong participation from government-linked companies.

SEEING THE FUTURE: Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak looks at model of future
development of Kuala Lumpur city. REUTERS/Stringer
“Singapore Inc. has been cautious about investing in Johor,” Song said. “They are taking it one step at a time, looking for policy consistency from Malaysia and Johor, and observing how Singapore and Malaysia work together on transfer of railway land and other previous agreements.”

Britain’s Newcastle University Medical School is one of six colleges planned in an “Educity” complex in Iskandar, and will admit its first batch of students later this year. British boarding school Marlborough College will open this year, as well.

A 355-acre (144-hectare) financial district will host corporate office towers, premium hotels, high-end residential properties, premium retail complexes and luxury service apartments.

Malaysia is also aiming to get a piece of the growing Asian film production market with the new Pinewood Iskandar Malaysia Studios, a joint venture between Malaysia sovereign wealth fund Khazanah and Pinewood Shepperton, the British film studio behind the Batman and James Bond movies.

Khazanah will also work with Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund Temasek Holdings to develop a wellness township in Iskandar, offering medical facilities, holistic health services and alternative medical treatment.

EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW with DR MAHATHIR MOHAMAD, former Malaysian Prime Minister on the racial divide in the country

DR MAHATHIR MOHAMAD: Former Malaysia’s Prime Minister smiles as he speaks to Reuters during an interview at his office in Putrajaya outside Kuala Lumpur May 4, 2011.

Malaysian Chinese have stopped supporting the government because they no longer feel they are getting their share of projects, former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad said.

The former prime minister looked back on his two decades in power in a May interview at his office in Putrajaya, the showcase administrative capital he built in the 1990s and one of the “mega-projects” that helped define his regime.

Chinese and Indians make up a third of the population but have become increasingly unhappy about an official policy that discriminates against them in favour of majority Malays.

“Yes, it’s worse now,” Mahathir says of the racial divide in Malaysia. “During my time, I could rely on Chinese support for my party. Now the government is threatened with losing Chinese support.”

He noted that his government two decades ago bowed to Chinese demands to have their own schools taught in the Chinese language, and said it showed how accommodating it was to minority races. “Despite having a national (Malay) language, they don’t teach in the national language. They can’t speak the national language.”

But he acknowledged that having separate schools had become a major factor in the racial divide.

“We would like them to come to national schools. We even suggested you can have your Chinese school, you can have your Tamil school, but why not put all three schools on one campus? So they can eat together, they can play together, and each gets to know that in the real world they have to interact with different races. But the Chinese say no. They say if you do that, we won’t support the government.”

Mahathir also ensured Chinese support by doling out government contracts to them and their Malay partners, which critics said encouraged corruption and cronyism. Mahathir’s successors shelved big projects to pare down a widening fiscal deficit, at the cost of Chinese votes, Mahathir said.

“For some reason or another, the moment I stepped down, all the projects were stopped ... When you stop big government projects, a lot of people, well their businesses will go down.”

THE SUN SETS near the Petronas Twin Towers (C) and Kuala Lumpur Tower (L) January 19, 2009.


"We should not be too dependent on FDI anymore. We’ve come to the stage when locals can invest ... And I think they can manage big industries" Mahathir Mohamad

The man who made Malaysia part of the “East Asia Miracle” with a massive inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI) doesn’t think much of it today.

“We should not be too dependent on FDI anymore. We've come to the stage when locals can invest. They have now the capital. They have the technology. They know the market. And I think they can manage big industries.”

Mahathir published an 809-page autobiography, “A Doctor in the House”, in March because he felt “the need to make corrections of the opinions and the accusations that were levelled at me”.

The accusation that grated the most, he said, was that he undermined the judiciary. The criticism is rooted in a 1988 amendment to the constitution that transferred powers over the judiciary to parliament. It essentially emasculated judicial independence, and allowed him to get judicial backing for his political manoeuvres from then onward.

Dr. Mahathir could not disguise his contempt for lawyers.

“A doctor wants to find out about the truth of his patients so he can identify a treatment. A lawyer wants to get his client off the hook. And even if he knows the client is guilty he is going to find ways and means of getting him off the hook.”